Violence is defined by the World Health Organization as "the exercise of physical force or deliberate, threatened or actual power, against oneself, others, or against groups or communities, which produce or is likely to result in injury, death , psychological hazards, poor development, or deprivation, "although the group recognizes that the entry of" use of power "in its definition broadens the conventional understanding of the word. This definition involves intentionality by doing the act itself, regardless of the outcome it produces. However, in general, anything that is excited in a destructive or destructive way can be described as violence even if it is not intended to be violence (by a person and against a person).
Globally, the violence resulted in deaths of 1.28 million people in 2013 up from 1.13 million in 1990. From deaths in 2013, some 842,000 were associated with self-harm (suicide), 405,000 for interpersonal violence, and 31,000 collective violence (war) and legal intervention. In Africa, out of every 100,000 people, every year it is estimated that 60.9 die violently. Corlin, former president of the American Medical Association said: "The United States leads the world - in a level where its children die from firearms." He concluded: "Armed violence is a threat to the public health of our country." For every single death due to violence, there are dozens of hospitalizations, hundreds of emergency department visits, and thousands of doctor appointments. In addition, violence often has life-long consequences for physical and mental health and social functions and can slow down economic and social development.
In 2013, firearms attacks are the leading cause of deaths due to interpersonal violence, with 180,000 such deaths thought to have occurred. That same year, attacks by sharps resulted in an estimated 114,000 deaths, with the remaining 110,000 personal violent deaths attributed to other causes.
Violence in many forms can be prevented. There is a strong relationship between levels of violence and modifiable factors such as concentrated poverty, income and gender inequality, harmful alcohol use, and the absence of safe, stable, and nurturing relationships between children and parents. Strategies that address the underlying causes of violence can be effective in preventing violence.
Video Violence
Type
Violence can be divided into three broad categories:
- self-directed violence
- interpersonal violence
- collective violence
Violent acts can be:
- physical
- sexual
- psychologically
- emotional
This initial categorization distinguishes between a person's violence against himself, the violence inflicted by another individual or by a small group of individuals, and the violence inflicted by larger groups such as the state, organized political groups, militia groups and terrorist organizations. These three major categories are further subdivided to reflect more specific types of violence.
Violence is primarily classified as instrumental or reactive/hostile.
Self-directed violence
Self-directed violence is subdivided into suicidal behavior and self-mortification. The first includes suicidal thoughts, attempted suicide - also called suicide or deliberately hurting yourself in some countries - and completing suicide. Abusing oneself, on the contrary, includes acts such as self-mutilation.
Collective violence
Collective violence is divided into structural violence and economic violence. In contrast to the other two broad categories, the subcategories of collective violence show the possibility of violent motives committed by larger groups of individuals or by states. Collective violence committed to promoting a particular social agenda includes, for example, hate crimes perpetrated by organized groups, terrorist acts and mass violence. Political violence includes war and related violent conflicts, state violence and similar actions perpetrated by larger groups. Economic violence includes attacks by large groups motivated by economic benefits - such as attacks carried out with the aim of disrupting economic activity, denying access to essential services, or creating economic division and fragmentation. Obviously, the actions taken by larger groups can have multiple motives.
This typology, though imperfect and universally unacceptable, provides a useful framework for understanding the complex patterns of violence that occur throughout the world, as well as violence in the daily life of individuals, families and communities. It also overcomes many other typological limitations by capturing the nature of acts of violence, the relevance of the arrangements, the relationships between offenders and victims, and - in the case of collective violence - the possibility of motivation for violence. However, both in research and practice, the dividing line between the different types of violence is not always so clear. State violence also involves enforcement, structural forms of violence, such as poverty, through dismantling prosperity, creating strict policies such as' welfare for work ', to cause further stimulation and loss. Poverty as a form of violence may involve oppressive policies that specifically target low social or economic minority groups. 'The fight against drugs', for example, rather than improving the health and well-being of risky demographics, most often results in violence perpetrated against these vulnerable demographics through police detention, stigmatization and brutality
Warfare
War is a state of deep and protracted conflict involving two or more groups of people, usually under the auspices of the government. This is the most extreme form of collective violence. War is championed as a means to resolve territorial and other conflicts, as a war of aggression to conquer territory or plunder resources, in national self-defense or liberation, or to suppress the efforts of parts of the nation to escape from it. We know also ideological, religious and revolutionary wars.
Since the Industrial Revolution, deadly modern warfare has grown. Victims of World War I more than 40 million and victims of World War II more than 70 million.
Non-physical
Violence includes actions resulting from power relations, including threats and intimidation, neglect or acts of disappearance. Such non-physical violence has a wide range of outcomes - including psychological hazards, deprivation and poor development. Violence may not always result in injury or death, but it remains a huge burden on individuals, families, communities and health care systems worldwide. Many forms of violence against women, children and parents, for example, can result in physical, psychological and social problems that do not always cause injury, disability or death. These consequences can be immediate, as are latent, and may last for years after the initial harassment. Determining results solely in the event of injury or death thus limiting the understanding of the violent impact.
Interpersonal violence
Interpersonal violence is divided into two subcategories: Family and intimate partner violence - that is, violence mostly between family members and intimate partners, usually, though not exclusively, at home. Community violence - violence between unrelated individuals, and who may or may not know each other, generally takes place outside the home. Previous groups include forms of violence such as child abuse, intimate partner violence and harassment of parents. The latter include youth violence, random acts of violence, rape or sexual assault by foreigners, and violence in institutional settings such as schools, workplaces, prisons and nursing homes. When interpersonal violence occurs within the family, its psychological consequences can affect their parents, children, and relationships in the short and long term.
Child abuse
Child abuse is abuse and neglect that occurs in children under 18 years of age. It covers all types of physical and/or emotional treatment, sexual harassment, negligence, neglect and commercial or other child exploitation, resulting in actual or potential harm to the health, survival, development or dignity of children in the context of relationships of responsibility, trust or power. Exposure to intimate partner violence is also sometimes included as a form of child molestation.
Child abuse is a global problem with serious lifelong consequences, which, however, is complex and difficult to learn.
There is no reliable global estimate for the prevalence of child abuse. Data for many countries, especially low and middle income countries, is lacking. Current estimates vary widely depending on the country and the research method used. About 20% of women and 5-10% of men report being sexually abused as children, while 25-50% of all children report physical abuse.
The consequences of child abuse include lifelong mental and mental health disorders, and social and occupational functions (eg schoolwork, employment, and relationship difficulties). This can ultimately slow the economic and social development of a country. Preventing child abuse before commencement is possible and requires a multisectoral approach. Effective prevention programs support parents and teach positive parenting skills. Continuous care of children and families can reduce the risk of repeated persecution and can minimize the consequences.
Youth violence
Following the World Health Organization, youth are defined as people between the ages of 10 and 29. Youth violence refers to the violence that occurs between youth, and includes actions ranging from bullying and physical fighting, through more severe sexual and physical attacks on murder.
Worldwide, approximately 250,000 murders occur among teenagers aged 10-29 years each year, which is 41% of the total number of global killings each year ("Global Disease Burden", World Health Organization, 2008). For every young person killed, 20 to 40 more injuries require hospitalization. Youth violence has a serious, often lifelong, impact on one's psychological and social functions. Youth violence greatly increases the cost of health care, welfare and criminal justice; reduce productivity; decrease property value; and generally undermine the fabric of society.
Preventive programs that are proven to be effective or promising in reducing youth violence include life skills and social development programs designed to help children and adolescents manage anger, resolve conflicts, and develop the social skills needed to solve problems; school-based anti-bullying prevention programs; and programs to reduce access to alcohol, drugs and weapons. Also, given the significant environmental impacts on youth violence, interventions involving family relocation to poorer neighborhoods have shown promising results. Similarly, urban renewal projects such as district business improvement have shown a decline in youth violence.
Violence partner intimate
Intimate partner violence refers to behavior in intimate relationships that cause physical, sexual or psychological damage, including physical aggression, sexual coercion, psychological violence, and control behaviors.
Population-level surveys based on reports from victims provide the most accurate estimates of the prevalence of intimate partner violence and sexual violence in non-conflict settings. A study conducted by WHO in 10 developing countries mainly found that, among women aged 15 to 49, between 15% (Japan) and 70% (Ethiopia and Peru) women reported physical and/or sexual abuse by intimate partners.
Intimate and sexual violence have serious, short-term and serious physical, mental, sexual, and reproductive health problems for victims and their children, causing high social and economic costs. These include fatal and non-fatal injuries, depression and post-traumatic stress disorder, unwanted pregnancies, sexually transmitted infections, including HIV.
Factors related to acts and experiences of intimate partner violence are low levels of education, history of violence as perpetrators, victims or witnesses of parental violence, harmful alcohol use, violence-accepting attitudes and marital discord and dissatisfaction. Factors associated only with intimate partner violence are multiple couples, and antisocial personality disorders.
A recent theory called "The Criminal Spin" shows the mutual flywheel effects among partners that are manifested by escalation in violence. Violence shifts can occur in other forms of violence, but in intimate partner violence the added value is spinning, based on the unique situation and the characteristics of intercourse.
The primary prevention strategy with the best evidence for effectiveness for intimate partner violence is a school-based program for adolescents to prevent violence in dating relationships. Evidence appears to be the effectiveness of several other primary prevention strategies - which: combine microfinance with gender equality training; promoting communication skills and relationships within the community; reduce access to, and use of harmful alcohol; and changing cultural gender norms.
Sexual violence
Sexual violence is any sexual act, attempt to obtain sexual acts, unwanted sexual comments or advances, or actions for traffic, or directed against a person's sexuality by using coercion, by anyone regardless of their relationship to the victim, in what arrangement even. These include rape, defined as the involuntary physical penetration or otherwise of the vulva or anus with the penis, other body parts or objects.
Population-level surveys based on reports from victims estimated that between 0.3-11.5% of women reported experiencing sexual violence. Sexual violence has serious short-term and long-term consequences on physical, mental, sexual, and reproductive health for victims and their children as described in the section on intimate partner violence. If done during childhood, sexual violence can lead to increased smoking, drug and alcohol abuse, and risky sexual behavior in the future. It is also related to acts of violence and victims of violence.
Many risk factors for sexual violence are similar to domestic violence. Specific risk factors for sexual violence include trust in family honor and sexual purity, male sexual rights ideology and weak legal sanctions for sexual violence.
Several interventions to prevent sexual violence have proven to be effective. School-based programs to prevent child sexual abuse by teaching children to recognize and avoid potential sexual harassment situations in many parts of the world and appear promising, but require further research. To achieve lasting change, it is important to pass laws and develop policies that protect women; addressing discrimination against women and promoting gender equality; and help move the culture from violence.
The elderly persecution
Parental abuse is a single or recurrent act, or lack of appropriate action, occurring in any relationship where there is a belief hope that causes harm or distress for an older person. This type of violence is a violation of human rights and includes physical, sexual, psychological, emotional; financial and material abuse; neglect; ignore; and loss of dignity and serious respect.
Although there is little information about the level of abuse in elderly populations, especially in developing countries, it is estimated that 4-6% of seniors in high-income countries have experienced some form of homicide. However, older people are often afraid to report cases of mistreatment to family, friends, or to the authorities. Data on the extent to which problems in institutions such as hospitals, nursing homes and other long-term care facilities are still scarce. Persecution of the elderly can cause serious physical injury and long-term psychological consequences. The elderly persecution is expected to increase as many countries experience a rapidly aging population.
Many strategies have been implemented to prevent older aggression and to take action against it and reduce its consequences including public and professional awareness campaigns, screening (potential victims and abusers), caregiver support interventions (eg stress management, prudent care), adult protection services and self-help groups. Their effectiveness, however, has so far not been well established.
Targeted violence
Several episodes of rare but painful killings, attempted murder and shootings at schools in primary, secondary, high schools, as well as colleges and universities in the United States, led to a large number of researches on the behavior that could be ascertained from those who had planned or carried out attacks like that. These studies (1995-2002) investigate what writers call "targeted violence," describing the "road to violence" of those who plan or carry out attacks and put advice on law enforcement and educators. The main point of this research is that targeted violence is not just "out of the blue".
Daily Violence
As an anthropological concept, "everyday violence" can refer to the incorporation of various forms of violence (especially political violence) into everyday practice.
Maps Violence
Factor
Violence can not be attributed to a single factor. The causes are complex and occur at different levels. To represent this complexity, ecology, or social ecological model is often used. The four-tier version of the following ecological model is often used in violent studies:
The first level identifies biological and personal factors that influence how individuals behave and increase their chances of becoming victims or perpetrators of violence: demographic characteristics (age, education, income), genetics, brain lesions, personality disorders, substance abuse, and history of experiencing, witnessing, or engage in violent behavior.
The second level focuses on close relationships, such as with family and friends. In youth violence, for example, having friends who engage or encourage violence may increase the risk of a youth becoming a victim or a perpetrator of violence. For intimate partner violence, the marker consistent at this model level is marital conflict or disagreement in the relationship. In older abuse, the important factors are stress due to the nature of past relationships between the abused person and the caregiver.
The third level explores the community context - that is, school, workplace, and environment. Risks at this level may be influenced by factors such as the presence of local drug trade, the absence of social networks, and concentrated poverty. All of these factors have proved important in some types of violence.
Finally, the fourth level looks at the broad social factors that help create a climate in which violence is encouraged or inhibited: the responsiveness of the criminal justice system, social and cultural norms related to gender roles or parent-child relationships, income inequality, social welfare system strength, social acceptability violence, weapons availability, exposure to violence in the mass media, and political instability.
Raising children
Cross-cultural studies have shown that the greater prevalence of corporal physical punishment tends to predict higher levels of violence in society. For example, a 2005 analysis of 186 pre-industrial societies found that corporal punishment was more common in societies that also had higher rates of murder, attacks, and wars. In the United States, domestic physical punishment has been linked to future violent acts against family members and spouses. While studies showing the relationship between children's physical punishment and later aggression can not prove that corporal punishment leads to an increase in aggression, a number of longitudinal studies show that the experience of corporal punishment has a direct causal effect on later aggressive behavior. American family violence researcher Murray A. Straus believes that forms of disciplinary beating are "the most common and important form of violence in American families", whose effects contribute to some major social problems, including domestic violence and future crime.
Psychology
The causes of violent behavior in humans are often the topic of research in psychology. Neurologist Jan Volavka stresses that, for that purpose, "violent behavior is defined as intentional physical aggressive behavior toward others."
Based on the idea of ​​human nature, scientists do agree that the violence is inherent in humans. Among prehistoric humans, there is archaeological evidence for both violent and peace struggles as the main characteristic.
Because violence is a matter of perception as well as a measurable phenomenon, psychologists have found variability in whether people perceive certain physical actions as "violence". For example, in circumstances where execution is a legal punishment, we usually do not regard the executioner as "violence", though we may speak, in a more metaphorical way, of a state that acts violently. Likewise, the understanding of violence associated with perceived aggressor-victim relationships: psychologists have shown that people may not recognize the use of defensive forces as violence, even in cases where the amount of power used is significantly greater than in the original aggression.
The image of "male violence" is often raised in discussions about human violence. Dale Peterson and Richard Wranghamin "Demonic Males: Apes and Origins of Human Violence" writes that violence is inherent in humans, although it can not be avoided. However, William L. Ury, the editor of the book entitled "We Must Fight From War to School - A New Perspective on Conflict and Violence Prevention" criticizes the myth of "ape killers" in his book that brings together discussions from two Harvard Law School symposia. The conclusion is that "we also have a lot of natural mechanisms for cooperation, to keep conflicts in checks, to channel aggression, and to resolve conflicts.This is as natural to us as an aggressive tendency."
James Gilligan writes that violence is often done as an antidote to shame or humiliation. The use of violence is often a source of pride and honor defense, especially among men who often believe violence defines maturity.
In an article titled "The History of Violence" in The New Republic, Steven Pinker offers evidence that, on average, the number and cruelty of violence against humans and animals has declined over the last few centuries.
Pinker's observation of the decline of interpersonal violence echoed Norbert Elias's work, which relates the decline to the "civilization process", in which the monopolization of state violence, the maintenance of socio-economic dependence or "figuration", and the maintenance of codes of conduct in culture all contribute to the development of individual sensitivities increase the individual's disgust against acts of violence.
Some scholars disagree with the argument that all violence decreases on the grounds that not all types of violent behavior are now inferior to in the past. They suggest that research usually focuses on deadly violence, often seen at the level of murderous deaths from warfare, but ignores the less obvious forms of violence. However, non-lethal violence, such as assault or oppression, seems to decrease as well. In his article "The Anarchy Comes", Robert D. Kaplan introduces the idea of ​​liberating violence. According to Kaplan, we will observe a more cruel civil war in the future, which will be fought for economic inequality around the world.
The concept of violent normalization, known as social or structural violence, is a topic of increasing interest among researchers seeking to understand violent behavior. It has been discussed at length by researchers in sociology, medical anthropology, psychology, philosophy, and bioarchaeology.
Evolutionary psychology offers several explanations for human violence in various contexts, such as sexual jealousy in humans, child abuse, and murder. Goetz (2010) argues that humans are similar to most species of mammals and use violence in certain situations. He writes that "Buss and Shackelford (1997a) propose seven adaptive problems facing our ancestors that may have been resolved by aggression: co-opting other people's resources, defending against attacks, raising costs on same-sex rivals, status negotiations and hierarchies, rivals of future aggression, deter couples from infidelity, and reduce the resources spent on genetically unrelated children. "
Goetz writes that most of the killings seem to start from relatively minor disputes among unrelated men who later escalate into violence and death. He argues that such conflicts occur when there is a status quarrel between men of relatively similar status. If there is a large initial status difference, individuals with lower status usually do not offer challenges and if challenged higher status individuals typically ignore lower status individuals. At the same time, an enormous inequality environment between people can cause those below to use more violence in an attempt to gain status.
Media
Media and violence studies examined whether the relationship between media violence and aggressive behavior and violence existed. Although some scholars have claimed media violence may increase aggression, this view is increasingly doubted in the scientific community and rejected by the US Supreme Court in Brown v EMA case, as well as in a violent video game review by the Australian Government (2010) which concludes evidence for harmful effects can not be concluded and the rhetoric of some scholars is not matched by good data.
Prevention
Threats and penalties have been tried and tested to prevent some violence since civilization began. It is used in many levels in most countries.
Interpersonal violence
A review of the scientific literature by the World Health Organization on the effectiveness of strategies to prevent interpersonal violence identified the following seven strategies as supported by strong or strong evidence for effectiveness. These strategies target risk factors at the four levels of ecological models.
Childcare relationship
Among the most effective programs to prevent child abuse and reduce childhood aggression are the Nurse Family Partnership and Triple P (Parenting Program) family visits program. There is also growing evidence that these programs reduce beliefs and acts of violence in adolescence and early adulthood, and may help reduce intimate partner violence and self-directed violence in the future.
Life skills in youth
Evidence shows that life skills gained in social development programs can reduce involvement in violence, improve social skills, improve educational attainment and improve job prospects. Life skills refer to social, emotional, and behavioral competencies that help children and adolescents effectively deal with the challenges of everyday life.
Gender equality
Evaluation studies began to support community interventions aimed at preventing violence against women by promoting gender equality. For example, evidence suggests that programs that combine microfinance with gender equality training can reduce intimate partner violence. School-based programs such as the Safe Dates program in the United States and the Youth Relations Project in Canada have proven effective in reducing violence in courtship.
Cultural norm
Rules or expectations of behavior - norms - in cultural or social groups can encourage violence. Interventions that challenge social and cultural norms that support violence can prevent acts of violence and have been widely used, but the evidence base for their current effectiveness is weak. The effectiveness of interventions overcoming violence in courtship and sexual harassment among adolescents and young adults with challenging social and cultural norms related to gender is supported by some evidence.
Support the program
Interventions to identify victims of interpersonal violence and provide effective care and support are essential to protecting health and breaking the cycle of violence from one generation to the next. Examples where evidence of effectiveness appears include: a screening tool for identifying victims of intimate partner violence and referring them to appropriate services; psychosocial interventions - such as trauma-focused cognitive behavioral therapy - to reduce mental health problems associated with violence, including post-traumatic stress disorder; and protection orders, which prohibit perpetrators from contacting victims, to reduce recurring casualties among victims of intimate partner violence.
Collective violence
Not surprisingly, scientific evidence about the effectiveness of interventions to prevent collective violence is lacking. However, policies that facilitate poverty reduction, making decision making more responsible, reducing intra-group inequality, as well as policies that reduce access to biological, chemical, nuclear and other weapons have been recommended. When planning responses to violent conflicts, the recommended approach includes assessing the most vulnerable early stages and what they need, coordinating activities between different players and working towards global, national and local capabilities so as to deliver effective health services during various stages of emergencies.
criminal justice
One of the main functions of the law is to regulate violence. Sociologist Max Weber states that the state claims a monopoly on the use of legitimate powers that are conducted within certain territorial boundaries. Law enforcement is the primary means of regulating non-military violence in the community. The government regulates the use of violence through a legal system governing individuals and political authorities, including the police and military. Civil society legalizes a number of violations, committed through police force, to maintain the status quo and enforce the law.
However, the German political theorist Hannah Arendt notes: "Violence is justified, but will never be valid... His justification is defeated in plausibility, the further his intended purpose ends into the future No one questions the use of force to defend himself. because the danger is not only clear but also existent, and the end justifying the means is immediately ". Arendt makes a clear distinction between violence and power. Most political theorists consider violence as an extreme manifestation of power while Arendt considers the two concepts to be the opposite. In the 20th century in action democide governments may have killed more than 260 million of their own people through police brutality, executions, massacres, labor camps, and sometimes through intentional hunger.
Violent acts by military or police and non-defensive actors are usually classified as crimes, although not all crimes are violent crimes. Property damage is classified as a violent crime in some jurisdictions but not all. The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) classifies violence that leads to murder to justifiable criminal killings and killing (eg, self-defense).
The criminal justice approach sees its main duty as law enforcement banning violence and ensuring that "justice has been done". The idea of ​​individual blame, responsibility, guilt and mistakes is central to the criminal justice approach to violence and one of the main tasks of the criminal justice system is "to do justice", ie to ensure that the offender is correctly identified, that the level of guilt as accurately as possible , and that they were punished appropriately. To prevent and respond to violence, the criminal justice approach depends primarily on the prevention, detention and punishment and rehabilitation of perpetrators.
The criminal justice approach, beyond justice and punishment, has traditionally emphasized the intervention shown, aimed at those who have been involved in violence, either as victims or as perpetrators. One of the main reasons violators are arrested, prosecuted and punished is to prevent further crimes - through prevention (threatening potential offenders with criminal sanctions if they commit a crime), incapacity (physically preventing offenders from committing further crimes by locking them) and through rehabilitation (using time spent under state supervision to develop skills or change one's psychological makeup to reduce possible future violations).
In the last few decades in many countries of the world, the criminal justice system has taken an increasing interest in preventing violence before it occurs. For example, many problem-oriented communities and policing aim to reduce crime and violence by changing the conditions that drive it - and not increasing the number of arrests. Indeed, some police leaders have said that police should be crime prevention agents. The juvenile justice system - an essential component of the criminal justice system - is largely based on trust in rehabilitation and prevention. In the US, the criminal justice system has, for example, funded school and community-based initiatives to reduce children's access to weapons and teach conflict resolution. In 1974, the US Department of Justice took primary responsibility for delinquency prevention programs and created the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention, which has supported the "Blueprint for violence prevention" program at the University of Colorado Boulder.
Public health
The public health approach is an intersectoral approach based on science, population-based, interdisciplinary based on an ecological model that emphasizes primary prevention. Rather than focusing on individuals, the public health approach aims to provide maximum benefits to a large number of people, and to expand better care and security for the entire population. The public health approach is interdisciplinary, utilizing knowledge from various disciplines including medicine, epidemiology, sociology, psychology, criminology, education and economics. Because all forms of violence are multi-faceted issues, the public health approach emphasizes multi-sectoral responses. It has been proven that collaborative efforts from various sectors such as health, education, social welfare, and criminal justice are often needed to resolve what are normally considered purely "criminal" or "medical" issues. The public health approach considers that violence, not the result of a single factor, is the result of various factors and causes of risk, interacting at four levels of hierarchy (individuals, close relationships/families, communities and the wider community) of the social ecological model.
From a public health perspective, prevention strategies can be classified into three types:
- Primary prevention - an approach that aims to prevent violence before it occurs.
- Secondary prevention - an approach that focuses on faster responses to violence, such as pre-hospital care, emergency services, or care for sexually transmitted infections after rape.
- Tertiary prevention - an approach that focuses on long-term care after violence, such as rehabilitation and reintegration, and efforts to reduce trauma or reduce long-term disabilities related to violence.
The public health approach emphasizes the main prevention of violence, ie stopping it from happening in the first place. To date, this approach has been relatively neglected in the field, with most resources being directed toward secondary or tertiary prevention. Perhaps the most important element of the public health approach to prevention is the ability to identify underlying causes rather than focusing on the more visible "symptoms". This allows for the development and testing of effective approaches to address the underlying cause and thereby improve health.
The public health approach is an evidence-based and systematic process involving the following four steps:
- Define problems conceptually and numerically, using statistics that accurately describe the nature and scale of violence, their most affected characteristics, the incident geographic distribution, and the consequences of exposure to such violence.
- Investigate why problems occur by determining the cause and correlate, factors that increase or reduce the risk of occurrence (risk and protective factors) and factors that can be modified through intervention.
- Explore ways to prevent problems using the above information and strictly design, monitor and assess the effectiveness of the program through outcome evaluation.
- Disseminate information on program effectiveness and scale up programs that are proven to be effective. Approaches to prevent violence, whether targeted to individuals or entire communities, should be properly evaluated for their effectiveness and results distributed. This step also includes adapting the program to the local context and subjecting them to rigorous re-evaluation to ensure their effectiveness in the new arrangement.
In many countries, violence prevention is still a new or new field in public health. The community health community is just beginning to recognize the contribution it can make to reducing violence and reducing its consequences. In 1949, Gordon called for injury prevention efforts based on understanding the cause, in a manner similar to the prevention efforts of infectious and other diseases. In 1962, Gomez, referring to the WHO's health definition, stated that it is clear that violence does not contribute to "prolonging life" or "a state of complete wellbeing". He defines violence as a matter of concern to public health experts and declares that it should not be the primary domain of lawyers, military personnel, or politicians.
However, it has only been in the last 30 years that public health has begun to deal with violence, and only in the last fifteen have done so at a global level. This is a much shorter period of time than public health that has dealt with other health problems on a comparable scale and with equally heavy lifetime consequences.
The global public health response to interpersonal violence began in the mid-1990s. In 1996, the World Health Assembly adopted Resolution WHA49.25 that expressed the violence of "the world's leading public health problem" and requested that the World Health Organization initiate public health activities to (1) document and characterize the burden of violence, (2) assess the effectiveness of the program, with special attention to women and children and community-based initiatives, and (3) promote activities to address issues at international and national levels. The World Health Organization's initial response to this resolution was to create the Department of Violence and Injury Prevention and Disability and to publish the World report on violence and health (2002).
The case for the public health sector that deals with interpersonal violence rests on four main arguments. First, a large number of time health care professionals who are dedicated to caring for victims and perpetrators of violence have made them familiar with the problem and have caused many people, especially in the emergency department, to mobilize to overcome them. The health care sector's information, resources, and infrastructure are important assets for research and prevention. Second, the magnitude of long-term and potentially heavy-cost and long-term consequences for individuals and the public at large demands population-level interventions typical of public health approaches. Thirdly, the criminal justice approach, another major approach to dealing with violence (links to entry above), has traditionally been more directed at the violence that occurs between boys and adults in the streets and other public places - which constitute the bulk of the killings in most countries - from violence occurring in private settings such as child abuse, intimate partner violence and older abuse - which constitute the lion's share of non-fatal violence. Fourth, evidence begins to accumulate that a science-based public health approach is effective for preventing interpersonal violence.
Human rights
The human rights approach is based on the state's obligation to respect, protect and fulfill human rights and therefore to prevent, eradicate and punish violence. It recognizes violence as a violation of many human rights: the right to life, freedom, autonomy and security of the person; the right to equality and non-discrimination; the right to be free from torture and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment; right to privacy; and the right to the highest attainable standard of health. These human rights are enshrined in international and regional treaties and national constitutions and laws, which define state obligations, and include mechanisms for holding state responsibility. The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, for example, requires that States parties to the Convention take all appropriate measures to end violence against women. The Convention on the Rights of the Child in Article 19 states that States Parties shall take all appropriate legislative, administrative, social and educational measures to protect children from all forms of physical or mental violence, injury or harassment, neglect or negligent treatment, torture or exploitation, including sexual harassment, in parental care, legal guardians or other child-reared persons.
Geographic context
Violence, as defined in the human geography dictionary, "arises whenever power is in danger" and "within and from itself stands empty of power and purpose: it is part of a larger matrix of socio-political power struggles." Violence can be broadly divided into three broad categories - direct violence, structural violence and cultural violence. Thus defined and illustrated, it is a record, as Hyndman says, that "geography comes too late to theorize violence" compared to other social sciences. Social and human geography, rooted in the humanist, Marxist, and feminist sub-fields that emerged after the initial positivist approach and subsequent behavioral changes, have long been concerned with social and spatial justice. Together with geographers and political geographers, this grouping most often interacts with violence. By preserving this idea of ​​social/spatial justice through geographical thought, it is important to look at the geographic approach to violence in the political context.
Derek Gregory and Alan Pred collect edited collections that have an impact on Geography of Violence: Fear, Terror, and Political Violence , which shows how places, spaces, and landscapes are major factors in real practice and visualized from organized violence good. historically and in the present. Evidently, political violence often gives part for the country to play. When "modern states not only claim monopolies from legitimate means of violence, they also routinely use the threat of violence to uphold the rule of law", the law is not only a form of violence but violence. Philosopher Giorgio Agamben's concept of exception status and homo sacer is useful for consideration in the geography of violence. The state, in its perceived grip, potential crises (whether legitimate or not) takes preventive legal measures, such as the suspension of rights (in this climate, as indicated by Agamben, that the formation of a Social Democratic and Nazi lager government or concentration camp may occur). However, when this "in limbo" reality is designed to be in place "until further notice... the state of the exception so that it stops being referred to as external circumstances and while the dangers are factual and to be confused with the juridical rule itself." For Agamben, the camp's physical space "is a plot of land placed outside the normal juridical order, but it is not just the external space". On a body scale, in exceptional circumstances, a person is removed from his right by "judicial procedure and dispersion of power" that "no action taken against them may appear again as a crime"; in other words, people just become homo sacer . Guantanamo Bay can also be said to represent the physical state of the exceptions in space, and can easily attract humans as homo sacer.
In the 1970s, genocide in Cambodia under the Khmer Rouge and Pol Pot resulted in the deaths of more than two million Cambodians (25% of Cambodia's inhabitants), forming one of many contemporary instances of state-sponsored violence. Approximately fourteen thousand of these killings occurred in Choeung Ek, the most famous of the extermination camps known as Killing Fields. The murder was arbitrary; for example, a person can be killed for wearing glasses, because it is considered to associate them with the intellectual and therefore make them part of the enemy. People are killed without punishment because it is not a crime; Cambodians are made into
Human geography, despite coming too late to the table theorized, has dealt with violence through many lenses, including anarchic geography, feminist geography, Marxist geography, political geography, and critical geography. However, Adriana Cavarero notes that, "when violence spreads and assumes unheard of forms, it becomes difficult to mention in contemporary language". Cavarero proposes that, in the face of such a truth, it is wise to reconsider violence as "horrorism"; that is, "as if ideally all... the victims, not their killers, must determine the name". With geography that often adds forgotten spatial aspects to the theories of social science, rather than creating them only within the discipline, it seems that contemporary self-reflexive geography presumably has a crucial place in today's violent imagery (again), exemplified by Cavarero.
Epidemiology
In 2010, all forms of violence resulted in approximately 1.34 million deaths rising from about 1 million in 1990. Suicides accounted for about 883,000, interpersonal violence to 456,000 and collective violence to 18,000. Deaths due to collective violence have fallen from 64,000 in 1990.
In comparison, 1.5 million deaths per year due to violence are greater than the number of deaths due to tuberculosis (1.34 million), road traffic injuries (1.21 million), and malaria (830'000), but slightly less than people who died from HIV/AIDS (1.77 million).
For every death due to violence, there are many non-fatal injuries. In 2008, more than 16 million non-fatal injury-related cases were severe enough to require medical care. Beyond death and injury, forms of violence such as child abuse, intimate partner violence, and parental abuse have been found to be very prevalent.
Self-directed violence
In the past 45 years, suicide rates have risen 60% worldwide. Suicide is one of the three leading causes of death among those aged 15-44 in some countries, and the second leading cause of death in the 10-24 age group. These figures do not include suicide attempts that are up to 20 times more frequent than suicide. Suicide was the leading cause of 16th worldwide deaths in 2004 and is projected to rise to 12 by 2030. Although traditional suicide rates are highest among elderly males, the rate among young people has increased in such a way so they are now the group with the highest risk in one-third of the country, in developed and developing countries.
Interpersonal violence
Rates and patterns of death due to violence vary by country and region. In recent years, the highest kill rates in developing countries are in Sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America and the Caribbean and the lowest in East Asia, the Western Pacific, and some countries in northern Africa. Studies show a strong inverse relationship between murder rates and economic development and economic equality. Poor countries, especially those with large gaps between the rich and the poor, tend to have higher rates of murder than the rich countries. The murder rate varies by age and gender. Gender differences are least marked for children. For the age group of 15 to 29 years, the male rate is almost six times higher for women; for the remaining age group, the male rate is two to four times for women.
Studies in a number of countries show that, for every murder among young people aged 10 to 24, 20 to 40 other young people receive hospitalization due to injury.
Forms of violence such as child abuse and intimate partner violence are very common. About 20% of women and 5-10% of men report being sexually abused as children, while 25-50% of all children report physical abuse. A multi-country WHO study found that between 15-71% of women reported experiencing physical and/or sexual abuse by intimate partners at some point in their lives.
Collective violence
Warfare made headlines, but the risk of individuals desperately in the current armed conflict is relatively low - far lower than the risk of death by violence in many countries that do not suffer from armed conflict. For example, between 1976 and 2008, African-Americans were victims of 329,825 murders. Despite the widespread perception that war is the most dangerous form of armed violence in the world, the average person living in a conflict-affected country has a fatal risk in the conflict of about 2.0 per 100,000 population between 2004 and 2007. This can be compared with the average world murder rate of 7.6 per 100,000 people. This illustration highlights the value of accounting for all forms of armed violence rather than an exclusive focus on conflict-related violence. Of course, there is considerable variation in the risk of death from armed conflict at the national and subnational levels, and the risk of death in conflicts in certain countries remains very high. In Iraq, for example, the direct conflict mortality rate for 2004-07 was 65 per 100,000 people per year and, in Somalia, 24 per 100,000 people. This number even peaked from 91 per 100,000 in Iraq in 2006 and 74 per 100,000 in Somalia in 2007.
History
Organized, large-scale, militaristic, or ordinary human-to-human violence was absent for most of human time, and was first documented for a relatively new start in the Holocene, an epoch that began about 11,700 years ago, possibly with the rise of density higher population due to sedentism. The social anthropologist Douglas P. Fry writes that scholars are divided over the origins of this greater degree of violence - in other words, warlike behavior:
There are basically two schools of thought on this issue. One holds the battle... back at least to the time of the first comprehensive modern human and even before it to the primate ancestor of the hominid lineage. The second position on the origins of war sees war less common in the cultural and biological evolution of humans. Here, warfare is a latecomer on the cultural horizon, arising only in very specific and quite rare material conditions in human history until the development of agriculture in the last 10,000 years.
Jared Diamond in his book Weapons, Germs and Steel and Third Chimpanzee argues that the emergence of large-scale warfare is the result of technological advances and the city state. For example, agricultural revival provides a significant increase in the number of individuals that a region can defend against hunter-gatherer societies, allowing the development of specialized classes such as soldiers, or arms producers.
In the academic world, the notion of a peaceful and non-violent pre-historic tribal society is increasingly popular with post-colonial perspectives. Trends, ranging from archeology and spreading to anthropology peaked in the latter half of the 20th century. However, some new research in archeology and bioarchaeology may provide evidence that violence within and between groups is not a new phenomenon. According to the book "The Bioarchaeology of Violence" violence is a behavior found throughout human history.
Lawrence H. Keeley at the University of Illinois wrote in War Before Civilization that 87% of tribal people are fighting more than once per year, and that 65% of them are fighting continuously. He writes that the reduced rate of many close-range clashes, which characterize endemic wars, yields a victim rate of up to 60%, compared to 1% of fighters as is typical in modern warfare. The "Primitive Battle" of these small groups or tribes is driven by the basic necessities of survival and tough competition.
Fry explores Keeley's argument in depth and insists that such sources erroneously focus on the present-day hunter and gatherer ethnography, whose culture and values ​​have been intruded externally by modern civilization, rather than the actual archaeological record that spans over two million years of existence human.. Fry determined that all ethnic societies now studied ethnically, "by facts which have been described and published by anthropologists, have been affected irresistibly by modern colonial history and countries" and that "much has been influenced by the state society at least 5000 years. "
The Better Angels of Our Nature
Steven Pinker's 2011 book, evokes recognition and controversy by asserting that modern societies are less violent than in the past, whether on short-scale decades or centuries-old or thousands of years long scales.
Steven Pinker argues that with every possible measure, every kind of violence has dropped dramatically since ancient and medieval times. A few centuries ago, for example, genocide was a standard practice in all types of warfare and so common that historians did not even bother to mention it. According to Pinker, rape, killing, warfare and animal cruelty have all suffered dramatically in the 20th century. However, Pinker's analysis has been heavily criticized; for example, Pinker himself, on his FAQ page, stated that he did not include horrific ecological violence (including violence against non-living or cultivated animals or non-living or animal plants), or violence against economic inequality and forced labor conditions in its definition; he controversially considers these forms of violence as "metaphors". Some critics therefore argue that Pinker suffered "a reductive vision of what it means to be violent."
Society and culture
In addition to death and injury, the most prevalent forms of violence (such as child abuse and intimate partner violence) have serious lifelong non-lifetime health consequences. Victims can engage in high-risk behaviors such as alcohol and substance abuse and smoking, which in turn can contribute to cardiovascular disorders, cancer, depression, diabetes and HIV/AIDS, resulting in premature death. Violence can be violence. The balance of prevention, mitigation, mediation and exacerbation is complex, and varies with the basics of violence.
Economic effects
In countries with high levels of violence, economic growth can be slowed, personal and collective security eroded, and social development is hampered. Families who crept out of poverty and invested in the education of their sons and daughters could be torn down through hard or severely disabled deaths from the main breadwinner. Communities can be trapped in a poverty trap where pervasive violence and repeal form a vicious cycle that impedes economic growth. For the community, meeting the direct costs of health, criminal justice, and social welfare responses to violence divert many billions of dollars from more constructive social spending. Much greater indirect costs of violence due to loss of productivity and loss of investment in education work together to slow economic development, increase socio-economic inequality, and erode human and social capital.
In addition, people with high levels of violence do not provide a degree of stability and p
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